The soil question is the issue of racing, but it is also used for class and land. Photo: Rogan Ward
Lands have been a high-controversy in South Africa since the cycle of colonial conquest. The eyes of the world are now watching this competition goes globally.
For many, the issue of land in South Africa is a purely racial issue. This is a racial issue, but it is also a question to which the class is used for the left and which land is used and managed.
Such questions are asked with radical social actions in the world and asked for centuries. In the spring of 1649, the British spent a small radical group of St. George in Surrey, as he encounters the civil war. Gerrard Winstanley’s “drainers” or “true levellers” tried to build a cooperative farm because they stole the British’s joint lands and stole their cooperative as a strong legacy. A year ago and local authorities in their experiments and the local authorities crushed with violence and legal persecution.
The winners of the British Revolution, the parliamentary victory on the monarchy, the parliamentary victory could not hand over radical democracy. “The great creative reason in the beginning, the earth was a common treasure,” said, 1649 manifestos, the real levellers standard developed. The fundamental claim of the winter, Britain’s general lands – have gradually closed and privatized and privatized since the 13th century – rightly belonged to all people. They now applied that we can call “direct action” and develop the area as a practical demonstration of the occupation and vision.
Diggers faced severe repression from the protection of existing property ties. Local landowners and officials have repeatedly destroyed their plants and habitats. Again, visualism is widespread to cover a radical reimagade of a radical reimagade of society without binding, lords, homeowners or the state. Winstanley’s pamflets promote a form of direct democracy that communities will manage themselves through controversial discussion. Despite this vision, the republican credentials, Britain was very threatened for the new government government and was determined to protect private property.
The constant significance of the redness is not immediately in practical achievements – their communities collapsed in months – only in radical equality in the world that continues to inspire land activists. For centuries, the writings of the forgotten Winstanley were rediscovered by the 20th century historians and said that the communists and anarchists were influenced by environmental land reformers.
The short-term experience of the clamp appeared as another chapter in the global struggle for the movement of the Brazil’s Movimento Dos Trabalhadores Rurais (MST) or landless employees, land rights and dignity. In 1984, during the transfer of Brazil’s military dictatorship, MST became the world’s largest social movement in 26 provinces of 26 provinces of 26 provinces of Brazil.
The main tactics of MST – the land occupation – reflects the practical demonstration of philosophies of digger. MST members violate the productivity of Brazil to serve Brazil’s “social function”, they often build camps in the “social function”, often violence of police or private militia. However, unlike short-term drilling commissions, many MST professions have become permanent settlements recognized by the state. More than about four decades, the movement has provided land for more than 370,000 families.
The struggle for the land for the MST is the struggle for various types of social relations.
“We are fighting for a piece of land, so we can build another model,” he said, João Pedro Stédile, one of the founders of MST in the 2004 interview.
MST settlements operate as laboratories for alternative social relations. Their agricultural cooperatives apply agroecological farming methods that strongly contrary with Brazil’s dominant chemical intensive monocultures. The schools recognized by the Brazilian Ministry of Education, not only standard entities, but also the movement, and the movement teach the values ​​of cooperation, environmental management and critical consciousness.
As partens, MST faced heavy repression – more than 1,700 mST activists were killed since the construction of the movement. However, the scale of the longevity and achievements of the MST shows that the grass can not only survive the movement of the land and can institutionalize their profits.
MST, only land, but never achieved, the land, but provided the political effect. Members were elected to local, state and national offices; Its educational methodology affected the National Curriculum of Brazil; And the criticism of industrial agriculture entered the main discussion. This shows that the actions can strategically protect radical meetings during state power.
In the early 21st century South Africa’s Shackdwellers’ Movement, Abahlali Basemjondolo (Shasmen), Durban’s Kennedi Road settlement appeared as the latest rights of the fight for centuries. Since 2005, there has been a fight for the main services, “land and apartment in the city” and many new professions.
In recent years, their professions are mainly working to turn vegetables and poultry, collectively produced and distributed food into democratic-managed communities. Including the conspiracy of leaders, including Abahlali’s assassinations, including Abahlali’s conspiracy, became the largest social movement in Africa’s hundred branches in four provinces.
Like red and MST, like an abah-based basemjondolo, it is also not worried about building new social relations in the occupied land, not only for the land.
Abahlali Basemjondolo President S’Bu Zikode, “Land is the dignity. Land is life. Land is food sovereignty.”
In February 202020, in March 20, thousands of people in March, Abahali Basemjondolo and the struggles for the land also said that the struggle for the new public relations. On that day, he declared the memorandum of the organization: “We needed to be the bottom and equal participant in all lands and democratic management of land, land, and democratic lands.”
Like red and MST, like an abah-based basemjondolo, intimidation, arbitrary arrests, torture and assassination endured severe repression. Like red and MST, the movement’s “residential policy” exceeds a narrow materialism. Their general assemblies, a form of open, participating democracy gives a more major form of South Africa’s official political system. Their phrases “dignity of the poor must be recognized,” it is not only economic inextrusive, but poor people have less than people.
All three movements reject the division of humanity to the charity models that place their decent and unworthy, poor, as the object of foreign intervention of political creatures.
There are strong gardens between MST and Abahlati Basemjondolo, which should also connect to the social needs of the lands, purchase and sell, direct Gerrard Winstanley and drilling policy.
As global inequality deepens and the environment threatened, these three movements remain based on the human flowering of the land. Their dates should be the importance of building the original democracy from the bottom of collective moving people. The most critical, even in the face of severe repression, the human driver to determine the dignity and self-determination indicates that the human driver continues in the century and continents.
Britain’s Hill continues to occupy Brazil and abahondolo’s occupation and communication in South Africa from Hill – not just for land bins, but also for land related and wider society.
Dr. Imraan Buccus is a member of the workmate in Azadli State University, ASRI and research colleague.
